Weston says this could suggest that cultural identity has been a source of strength and resilience for members of the Stolen Generations.
Although Walters thinks the report shines a light on the difficulties these children face, she worries that focusing on households will inadvertently place the blame on them.
Weston thinks the trauma caused by racist policies such as the forced removal of children is the root cause of the fact that Indigenous Australians, on average, die about ten years earlier than non-Indigenous Australians. Studies of the effects of childhood trauma in the United States show that it can increase the risk of substance misuse and mental and physical ill-health, and can limit employment opportunities.
But Weston says government initiatives are not adequately addressing trauma, and this is why, despite numerous policies over the past ten years, the life expectancy of Indigenous Australians has yet to improve significantly.
The government acknowledges that the country is not on track to meet its goal of closing the life-expectancy gap by Some researchers are also worried that the trauma is being repeated today, in Indigenous children who are being removed from their families under state child-welfare laws. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children represented 5.
Walter says it is a contradiction for governments to say that they want to improve Indigenous life expectancy when Indigenous children are still being placed in out-of-home care.
Removing children from their communities is contributing to these gaps, she says. Although government policies state that Indigenous children should be placed with their extended family or families in their community before non-Indigenous carers, this isn't always possible.
Although child-protection systems are the responsibility of states and territories, Wyatt says, the national government is working to address the underlying factors that contribute to children being placed in out-of-home care, including intergenerational trauma.
News Feature 10 NOV Correspondence 09 NOV News 12 NOV News 11 NOV In the WA Aboriginal Legal Service sample of people who had been forcibly removed, almost two-thirds Children were more likely to have been physically abused on missions Witnesses to the Inquiry were not specifically asked whether they had experienced physical abuse.
Stories of sexual exploitation and abuse were common in evidence to the Inquiry. Nationally at least one in every six A similar proportion These vulnerable children had no-one to turn to for protection or comfort. They were rarely believed if they disclosed the abuse. There are many well recognised psychological impacts of childhood sexual abuse Finkelhor and Brown They include confusion about sexual identity and sexual norms, confusion of sex with love and aversion to sex or intimacy.
When the child is blamed or is not believed, others can be added including guilt, shame, lowered self-esteem and a sense of being different from others. Wolfe concluded that the impacts amount to a variant of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. They reported effects including sleep disturbance, irritability and concentration difficulties associated with hyper arousal , fears, anxiety, depression and guilt page Repeated victimisation compounds these effects.
People subjected to prolonged, repeated trauma develop an insidious progressive form of post-traumatic stress disorder that invades and erodes the personality. Post-trauma effects can be mitigated for children with a strong self-concept and strong social supports.
Few of the witnesses to the Inquiry who reported sexual abuse in childhood were so fortunate. There is no doubt that children who have been traumatised become a lot more anxious and fearful of the world and one of the impacts is that they don't explore the world as much.
Secondly, a certain amount of abuse over time certainly causes a phenomenon of what we call emotional numbing where, because of the lack of trust in the outside world, children learn to blunt their emotions and in that way restrict their spontaneity and responsiveness.
That can become an ingrained pattern that becomes lifelong really and certainly when they then become parents it becomes far more difficult for them to be spontaneous and open and trusting and loving in terms of their own emotional availability and responsiveness to their children Dr Nick Kowalenko evidence One-third do not have these outcomes but the other third remain vulnerable, and, in the face of social stress there was an increased likelihood of them becoming abusive'.
Separation and institutionalisation can amount to traumas. Almost invariably they were traumatically carried out with force, lies, regimentation and an absence of comfort and affection. All too often they also involved brutality and abuse.
Trauma compounded trauma. No counselling was ever provided. A representative from the Western Australian Health Department recognised the impacts of the removal policies. The negative health impact of past laws and practices have resulted in a range of mental health problems associated with the trauma, including grief and severe depression and self-damaging behaviour, including self-mutilation, alcohol and substance abuse and suicide Marion Kickett evidence.
Trauma experienced in childhood becomes embedded in the personality and physical development of the child. Dr Jane McKendrick and her colleagues in Victoria in the mids surveyed an Aboriginal general medical practice population by interviewing participants twice over a three-year period. One-third of the participants had been separated from their Aboriginal families and communities during childhood.
Most of the separations had occurred before the child had reached 10 years of age and lasted until adulthood. Factors offering protection against the development of depression and other distress included a strong Aboriginal identity, frequent contact with ones Aboriginal extended family and knowledge of Aboriginal culture.
Overall, two-thirds of the Aboriginal participants were found to be significantly psychologically distressed throughout the three years of the study. The contrast with non-Indigenous general practice populations is telling. However, in contrast to the situation in this Aboriginal group, most of these disorders amongst the general population are short lived, resolving within one to six months' Dr Jane McKendrick, Victorian Aboriginal Mental Health Network, submission pages 19 and I still to this day go through stages of depression.
Not that I've ever taken anything for it - except alcohol. I didn't drink for a long time. But when I drink a lot it comes back to me.
I end up kind of cracking up. Confidential evidence , New South Wales: woman fostered as a baby in the s. The Inquiry was told of two South Australian studies which also linked psychiatric disorders and the removal policies.
Absence of a father and traditional teachings in the first fourteen years correlated significantly with suicide attempts which were at much higher rates than the general population.
Similar problem levels were found in Radford et al's study in Adelaide with many of those showing high levels of suicidal behaviours having been separated from families and brought up in institutions Professor Beverley Raphael submission The Sydney Aboriginal Mental Health Unit advised the Inquiry of its experience with patients presenting with emotional distress.
This tragic experience, across several generations, has resulted in incalculable trauma, depression and major mental health problems for Aboriginal people.
Careful history taking during the assessment of most individuals [ie clients] and families identifies separation by one means or another - initially the systematic forced removal of children and now the continuing removal by Community Services or the magistracy for detention of children This process has been tantamount to a continuing cultural and spiritual genocide both as an individual and a community experience and we believe that it has been the single most significant factor in emotional and mental health problems which in turn have impacted on physical health submission pages I now understand why I find it so very very hard to leave my home, to find a job, to be a part of what is out there.
I have panic attacks when I have to go anywhere I don't know well and feel safe. I blame welfare for this. What I needed to do was to be with my family and my mother, but that opportunity was denied me.
Confidential submission , South Australia: woman fostered at 18 months in the s. One consequence of chronic depression is very poor physical health. This also had a multi-dimensional impact in terms of people's health However, the association between what is often termed social stressors and the development of disease is difficult to prove using the traditional methods of health sciences or epidemiology However, there are some health analyses which are very suggestive on, for example, an association between things like how connected you are - what sort of social support you have, how socially connected you are to your own community - and the development of disease processes like high blood pressure [which is] closely linked to heart disease and diabetes Dr Ian Anderson evidence Holocaust studies suggested it [trauma] could impact on the functioning of the brain as well as the immune system.
There have been recent studies of trauma such as Vietnam veterans' combat experience without damage [ie without physical injury being incurred] showing changes in brain structure and function as a result of the traumatic experience Professor Beverley Raphael evidence It's very hard to get people with these sort of depression and anxieties and insecurities and uncertainties about themselves to actually care about being healthy Michael Constable evidence The result of that sort of [separation] process was one which fragmented the identity of many people in quite a profound way.
That has an impact on people's sense of who they are, how you fit into the world and where you're going - what in technical terms people call your sense of coherence. It also destroyed the sense of worth of being Aboriginal and fragmented people's sense of identity, and this is something which happened not just to the people who were taken away but it has also happened to the families who were left behind.
Now this whole process in a psychological sense fundamentally impacts on how people look after themselves It makes it even more difficult for people who do have physical illness to take complicated treatments over a long period of time Individuals may not have the self-esteem or self-worth to actually come in for care in the first instance or for follow-up management Dr Ian Anderson evidence If they hadn't used alcohol they probably would have committed suicide You can't be here to carry that sort of pain and depression.
We're incapable of staying alive with that sort of feeling, and alcohol was a sort of first aid Michael Constable evidence The sorts of things that can happen with people who are having flashbacks of traumatic events is that it can cause such psychic pain that the person might start to drink heavily or use other psycho-active substances heavily Dr Jane McKendrick evidence Judith Hermann has pointed to evidence that a chemical reaction occurs in the brain at the time of a traumatic event.
This helps the victim to survive the event psychologically intact by permitting a degree of dissociation from it. I drank a lot when I was younger, y'know. I still do I guess. I don't drink as much now, but I still do and there's never been anything I guess I don't know whether it's a hangover from seeing the old man do it I'd have nights where I'd sit down and think about things.
There was no answers. I tried to look forward. As I say, every time I'd look back as in trying to find out exactly who I was and what my history was, I'd have real bad attacks of Vic. Confidential evidence , Victoria: man whose mother had also been removed as a child; he was taken from her at a very young age when she suffered a nervous breakdown and was raised in a children's home.
The following table summarises the findings of the WA Aboriginal Legal Service survey of clients who had been forcibly removed. Caution should be used in interpreting these findings because of the high proportion of participants who did not respond to these questions. Institutionalised Indigenous children faced a hazard over and above that experienced by institutionalised non-Indigenous children.
This was the continual denigration of their own Aboriginality and that of their families. I didn't know any Aboriginal people at all - none at all. I was placed in a white family and I was just - I was white. I never knew, I never accepted myself to being a black person until - I don't know - I don't know if you ever really do accept yourself as being How can you be proud of being Aboriginal after all the humiliation and the anger and the hatred you have?
It's unbelievable how much you can hold inside. The assimilation policy seemed to demand that the children reject their families. The tactics used to ensure this ranged from continual denigration of Aboriginal people and values to lies about the attitudes of families to the children themselves.
Many children were told their parents were dead. The most profound effect of institutionalization, which overrides other well-documented effects of institutionalization generally, was the persistent attempt by authorities to force the boys to identify as European One was a positive reinforcement of the European model, the other was a negative portrayal of Aboriginality combined with a withholding from the boys of any particular knowledge of their immediate family or of Aborigines generally quoted in National Report Volume 2 page The complete separation of the children from any connection, communication or knowledge about their Indigenous heritage has had profound effects on their experience of Aboriginality and their participation in the Aboriginal community as adults.
It was forbidden for us to talk in our own language. If we had been able we would have retained it I went through an identity crisis. And our identity is where we come from and who we are. And I think, instead of compensation being in the form of large sums of money, I personally would like to see it go into some form of land acquisition for the people who were taken away, if they so wish, to have a place that they can call their own and that they can give to their children.
My wife and I are trying to break this cycle, trying our hardest to break this cycle of shattered families. We're going to make sure that we stick together and bring our children up so they know who they are, what they are and where they came from. Confidential evidence , New South Wales: man happily adopted into a non-Indigenous family at 13 months in the s.
One principal effect of the forcible removal policies was the destruction of cultural links. This was of course their declared aim. The children were to be prevented from acquiring the habits and customs of the Aborigines South Australia's Protector of Aborigines in ; the young people will merge into the present civilisation and become worthy citizens NSW Colonial Secretary in Culture, language, land and identity were to be stripped from the children in the hope that the traditional law and culture would die by losing their claim on them and sustenance of them.
The culture that we should have had has been taken away. No, it's not that I don't like the people or whatever, it's just that I'd never really mixed with them to understand what it is to be part of the tribal system, which is the big thing Confidential evidence , Victoria: removed to an orphanage in the mids.
I mean, in doing so, they have been removed from the very link which most land rights legislation demands in order for your rights to native title to be recognised. So in effect their removal in that way from their own family and context was also to deprive them of certain legal rights that we later recognised In turn their descendants are disinherited.
If just one Aboriginal person denies their Aboriginality, by the third generation of descendants from that person, there may be 50 or 60 Aboriginals who up to now were not aware of their heritage Link-Up NSW submission page When we left Port Augusta, when they took us away, we could only talk Aboriginal. We only knew one language and when we went down there, well we had to communicate somehow. Anyway, when I come back I couldn't even speak my own language. And that really buggered my identity up.
It took me 40 odd years before I became a man in my own people's eyes, through Aboriginal law. Whereas I should've went through that when I was about 12 years of age. I had to relearn lots of things. I had to relearn humour, ways of sitting, ways of being which were another way totally to what I was actually brought up with. It was like having to re-do me, I suppose.
The thing that people were denied in being removed from family was that they were denied being read as Aboriginal people, they were denied being educated in an Aboriginal way.
Confidential evidence 71, New South Wales: woman who lived from 5 months to 16 years in Cootamundra Girls' Home in the s and s. Many witnesses spoke of their strong sense of not belonging either in the Indigenous community or in the non-Indigenous community. You spend your whole life wondering where you fit. You're not white enough to be white and your skin isn't black enough to be black either, and it really does come down to that.
I felt like a stranger in Ernabella, a stranger in my father's people. We had no identity with the land, no identity with a certain people. I've decided in the last 10, 11 years to, y'know, I went through the law. I've been learning culture and learning everything that goes with it because I felt, growing up, that I wasn't really a blackfella. You hear whitefellas tell you you're a blackfella. But blackfellas tell you you're a whitefella. So you're caught in a half-caste world.
Confidential evidence , South Australia: speaker's father was removed and the speaker grew up in Adelaide. The policies of separation were often administered in such a way as would directly cause feelings of alienation. We were treated differently to white and black people. We weren't allowed to go down to see our Aboriginal people, or go into the houses where the white people were.
We just had to live around the outside of the house. They made us feel like we weren't allowed to do anything: no freedom of movement, even to think for yourself. They had to tell you what to do, and how to think. We were locked up in the dormitories, and had to go and ask for anything. We had to go and ask if we could go and see our people. We were more or less like slaves, I think. We didn't think that was wrong. We just thought it was our duty. We did what we were told.
Years later, when we were grown up, our own boss - by this time we were married and having our children - we were having families and still couldn't go up and ask the managers if we could get married. They had to tell you who you had to marry. We didn't know what was their plans for us. We just lived and did what we were told. I was almost ashamed to be half-caste sometimes.
I had no confidence in myself, or how to make up my mind what to do When I was growing up I wanted to be a teacher or a nurse. But you couldn't say that because you had to go to school and go out and work in the house, do domestic duties. That's what they said.
We lost much of our culture, our language and traditional knowledge, our kinship and our land. Confidential evidence , Western Australia: woman removed to Moola Bulla Station at 5 years in This loss of identity has ramifications for individuals' well-being and in turn for the well-being of their families.
The alienation from culture can create an increase in anger and frustration which can also lead to increases in violence and lawlessness, and we're talking here about a profound sense of alienation I think there is a connection between people's loss of identity and their experience of lawlessness and being gaoled and then losing that sense of identity within the context of that very big institution and the experience of total alienation from themselves, resulting in death Lynne Datnow, Victorian Koori Kids Mental Health Network, evidence We have seen Aborigines raised outside the community being confused, uncertain and insecure about their belonging.
That is not, of course, the case with every displaced child Tasmanian Aboriginal Centre submission Anna's story illustrates the inter-generational transfer of the effects of forcible removal. Anna's Koori grandmother was forcibly removed from her family and her mother abandoned her when she was six years old. In time Anna moved in with her uncle and his family and only then, at the age of 16, did she realise her Koori heritage. She sought to identify herself as Koori but her uncle opposed this.
She was forced to leave home, joining the airforce after concealing her true age. Anna continues to experience problems relating to her Indigenous identity confidential evidence , Victoria. Separation has broken or disrupted not only the links that Aboriginals have with other Aboriginals, but importantly, the spiritual connection we should have had with our country, our land. It is vital to our healing process that these bonds be re-established or re-affirmed Link-Up NSW submission page Separation from their families has dramatically affected people's land entitlements as summarised for the Inquiry by the legal firm Corrs Chambers Westgarth submission In all jurisdictions the ability to bring a native title claim will generally be extinguished by forced removal.
The Full Court of the Federal Court considered an analogous situation in the case of Kanak in and concluded that,. The only persons entitled to claim native title are those who can show biological descent from the indigenous people entitled to enjoy the land under the laws and customs of their own clan or group. The person must be able to trace his or her family and the family's community of origin must be known. Although a separated person is unlikely to be able to sustain a native title claim independently and native title claims are collective claims in any event , a person who has been accepted back into his or her community of origin may participate in a claim brought by that community.
It is possible for Aboriginal people who were removed from their traditional families to become a participant in a collective claim by a group or clan of Aboriginals.
However, in order for this to happen it would first be necessary for them to be accepted as a member of the Aboriginal community which has collectively maintained the requisite use and spiritual and cultural ties to the land that have allowed the group's native title to survive.
As a matter of practicality, Aboriginal people who have been removed from their families may be accepted back into Aboriginal communities.
The issue is one for the Aboriginal clan or group to decide. However, there may be traditional laws and customs which govern the acceptance of people in the community and it is possible they may be refused permission to rejoin a community, or refused recognition as a member of a community, because they have not participated in the traditional and cultural activities of that community for a length of time. If this is the case, the disentitlement to claim as a member of a group would be a direct result of the forced separation of that person from the community as a child Corrs Chambers Westgarth submission page Including a person who has yet to be fully reintegrated into the traditional laws relating to the land in a claimant group may jeopardise the land claim under some legislation, for example the Aboriginal Land Rights Northern Territory Act Cth , although the Inquiry received no evidence that this has occurred.
However, once a claim is successful for example under the Native Title Act Cth , or once traditional lands have been granted for example under the Pitjantjatjara Land Rights Act SA , it is entirely up to the traditional owners to decide whether they will accept a person taken away in childhood and permit him or her to share in the enjoyment of the land.
Under some legislation a requirement of a period of uninterrupted residence is imposed before the person can become a member of the land-owning group for example with respect to Framlingham Forest, Victoria, under the Aboriginal Land Lake Condah and Framlingham Forest Act Cth. We can't even claim for that, because we're not living on it. But that's not our fault.
The Government took us off our land, so how can we get land rights when this is what the Government has done to us? Confidential evidence , New South Wales: woman removed at 2 years in the s, first to Bomaderry Children's Home, then to Cootamundra Girls' Home; now working to assist former Cootamundra inmates.
I have no legal claim to come back here. I can't speak on the board of management, I'm not a living member out here on this mission. What right have I got to speak out here? And this is the way that a lot of the Aboriginals living on this mission see me - as a blow-in, a blow-through. Yet I've got family that are buried out here on the mission As an Aboriginal I don't have any rights out here. Confidential evidence , Victoria: man whose mother was removed from Lake Tyers as a child; mother buried at Lake Tyers.
Thus, a group dispersed from their traditional lands and detained on a mission station may be able to reclaim the mission land on the basis of historical association. The group's land claim may succeed if it shows the land would assist in restoring, maintaining or enhancing the capacity for self-development and the self-reliance and cultural integrity of the group.
A number of governments have established funds to permit the acquisition of land for Aboriginal groups or communities, regardless of their traditional or historic ties. The primary basis for these land purchases will be cultural or economic need. Such land would also usually be held collectively. The principal fund is the Commonwealth's Indigenous Land Fund established in for the purchase of land for Indigenous corporations. The New South Wales Aboriginal Land Rights Act also established a fund from which land could be purchased for economic or other purposes.
We always lived by ourselves. Not that we thought we were better than any other Koori family. It's just that the white welfare, if they seen a group of Koori families together, they would step in and take their children away never to be seen again. We moved from South Gippsland to East Gippsland. By this time I was about 9 years old. My parents pulled me out of school because the Welfare was taking the Koori kids from school never to be seen again.
My parents didn't want this to happen to us. That's why we always lived by ourselves. My parents made a little mia-mia with bushes and sticks around our heads and our feet at the fire which would burn all night. We all shared the 2 big grey government of Victoria blankets and was a very close family. Our little jobs were to gather whatever we could while our parents were picking [bean and pea picking for a local grower].
We were never allowed to walk down to our camp the same way because our parents didn't want the welfare to find us. That's why we couldn't make a beaten track. Then my parents got paid from picking. They went into Lakes Entrance to get a few groceries and left me, being the oldest, to care for my other brothers and sisters, which I always done.
I was like their second mother but big sister. The baby started crying so I went and got my uncle to come and watch the kids until I walked in town to look for my parents.
The town was about 15 ks so I left the camp and walked through the bush. I wouldn't walk along the main Highway because I was scared someone might murder me or take me away. I got into town just before dark and this Koori woman who I didn't know asked me was I looking for my parents. I said yes. She said they got a ride out to the camp with some people. That's how I missed them because I wasn't walking on the highway. She said to me what are you going to do now. I said I'm going to walk back to the camp.
She said it's getting dark, you can't walk out there now. You better come and stay with us and go back out tomorrow. I said OK. I trusted this Koori woman whom I didn't know.
She gave me a meal and a bed. The next day I thought and knew that my parents would be upset with me for leaving the kids but I knew they would be alright because they were with Mum's brother. While I was walking through the bush the police and Welfare were going out to the camp which they had found in the bush. I was so upset that I didn't walk along the Highway.
That way the Welfare would have seen me. The next day I knew that the Welfare had taken my brothers and sisters. This lady who I stayed with overnight: her brother came that morning and told her the Welfare had taken the kids to the homes.
She called me aside and said, babe it's no good of you going out to the camp today because the Welfare has taken your brothers and sisters away to the homes. I started crying and said to her no I have to go back to the camp to see for myself. She got her brother and sister to take me out there and I just couldn't stop crying. All I could see was our little camp.
My baby brother's bottle was laying on the ground. And I could see where my brother and sisters were making mud pies in a Sunshine milk tin that we used for our tea or soup. I didn't know where my parents were. I was sad crying lost didn't know what I was going to do. I wished I had of walked along the Highway so my brothers and sisters would have seen me and told the Welfare just so I would have been with them. Eventually I found my parents in Lakes Entrance.
They were shattered upset crying so they went and got a flagon of wine, which they never ever worried about drink. They took the kids to Melbourne Allambie Children's Home and bought them back when it was court day.
The Welfare and the Police told my parents that they would have to get a house, furniture, plenty of food in the cupboard and my Dad had to get a job. It was very hard in those days what Welfare put on my parents. Just couldn't happen. People wouldn't let black people have a good home. Or give them anything - not like now. My parents knew that what the Welfare wanted them to do they couldn't. We just weren't allowed to be up to white man's standards.
That's why they knew that they had my brothers and sisters for good. At court my parents knew that was the last time they would see their kids. So they told the court that they didn't want them split up. The kids was glad to see Mum and Dad at court. They were jumping all over them. Glad to see them. When the Welfare took the kids off Mum and Dad they were holding out their arms trying to stay with Mum and Dad. Everyone was crying sad. After the kids had gone to the home Mum and Dad hit the grog hard as they had done everything in their power and in their hearts to keep us away from the predators the Welfare.
But they sniffed us out of the bush like dogs. My parents couldn't handle the trauma of not having the closest warmth loving caring family we were. They separated. My Mum went one way; my Dad went his way. And I was 9 years of age left to go my way. I didn't know anyone. So I lived with Koori families who took me in. And in return I would look after their kids while they went picking just so I had some sort of family caring. I done this for years.
Still not knowing where my brothers and sisters were. I tried hard to find them but couldn't. The families that took me in I have a lot of respect for them because they tried to mend a 9 year old's broken heart.
I love them dearly. Eventually I got married when I was 21 years old. I thought maybe I could get my brothers and sisters and give them the home that the Welfare said my parents had to do. My husband worked in a sawmill and we had a sawmill house.
After about 14 years my [eldest] brother came to live with us. One sister found us through the Salvation Army about 16 years later. Then my brother [the baby] who died last year who was caught up in the System was like a lost street kid and was bashed by the police in Melbourne a couple of years ago ended up with a tumour on the brain and was never the same again. My second sister who I or my family didn't see for 27 years.
What could anyone do now to make up for those 27 years of not having their sister a part of their life. A terrible big hole in my heart that will never be filled. Crowds of people across Australia watched the Apology on big screens in their own cities and towns. Photographic and video records of those witnessing the Apology show sombre and reflective faces as the Prime Minister spoke of the wrongs governments had inflicted on Indigenous peoples across Australia.
A huge wave of tears, relief and applause flowed when he finished speaking. Many of the 54 recommendations outlined in the Bringing them home report have still yet to be enacted. Though it is now decades old, it is still a vital resource. On the twentieth anniversary of the report, the Healing Foundation released an Action Plan for Healing. It outlines the history, government responses, but also why action is needed now.
The reality is that the number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children in state care has continued to rise.
This is not just an issue of our past. It is happening today. While the intent of child removal today may be different to that experienced by the Stolen Generations, the effect is the same: a loss of identity and the exacerbation of intergenerational trauma. Following the Apology, Members of Parliament and Senators debated and made statements.
You can search the House of Representatives Hansard or the Senate Hansard for the following dates to read the debates. The Stolen Generations Since colonisation, numerous government laws, policies and practices resulted in the forced removal of generations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families and communities across Australia.
0コメント